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By Francesca Happe

This identify is meant for complicated undergraduate and masters point scholars in psychology; expert medical, developmental and academic psychologists; basic practitioners and others with a distinct curiosity in young children; careworkers; and oldsters of autistic kids.

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Similarly, autistic children know about their physical identity—they can recognize themselves in a mirror at the normal mental age (Dawson & McKissick 1984). They are also as good as controls of the same verbal ability at recognizing the faces of others (Ozonoff et al. 1990, Smalley & Asarnow 1990). Autistic people are able to respond differentially to different people and to different types of approach (Clarke & Rutter 1981). Many autistic children are not pervasively aloof, and do show proximity-seeking behaviours and vocalizations for social attention (Sigman et al.

Background This theory began with the observation that autistic children do not spontaneously engage in pretend play. As Alan Leslie (1987) has pointed out, pretence is an extraordinarily complex behaviour to emerge so early in normal development. ” This is no way to teach a child about bananas and telephones! The child should be upset, confused; instead he is delighted. Around 18 months the normal child can understand and indulge in pretend play (Fein 1981)—how is this possible without wrecking the child’s encyclopaedic world knowledge?

New York: Plenum Press. Chapter 4 Autism at the biological level The psychogenic myth Bettelheim (1956, 1967) was the source of the “refrigerator mother” theory—the idea that children become autistic as a maladaptive response to a threatening and unloving environment. g. detachment and social difficulty) in the parents of the children he treated. Originally, however, Kanner had interpreted these traits as signs of a genetic component to autism (Kanner 1943). This early insight has proved correct (see below), while no evidence has emerged to support the psychogenic explanations of autism.

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