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By Michael J. Sodaro, Sharon L. Wolchik

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Thailand, he argued, demonstrates that a government may grant "access to private, government, and international transnational organizations in such a way as to further its own objectives .... The widespread penetration of its society by transnational organizations will obviously have significant effects on society. . " 1 My own work on Yugoslavia points to the same conclusion. I would argue that in the 1970s the Yugoslav leadership under Tito seemed to have realized that a viable strategy for internal development could involve increasing domestic political cohesion while, simultaneously, cultivating vigorously the economic penetration of the country by plural sources.

It is not merely meetings of opstina assemblies that are involved but above all what preceded them and followed them. ll In the road affair a resource extracted from the outside initiated a process which resulted in a regulatory decision in which groups were deprived. The substantive and procedural dimension of that decision in turn set into motion a process which, while initially almost classically illustrative of pressure group politics, had incipiently all the qualities of politics in the arena of redistribution: an ethnically cohesive mass available for mobilization, a counter-elite willing to advocate the dissolution of Yugoslavia, and high contlict.

5. The East European members of the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (abbreviated as Comecon or CMEA) include Bulgaria, Introduction 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 23 Czechoslovakia, the GDR, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Yugoslavia has observer status. See Paul Marer, "Has Eastern Europe Become a Liability to the Soviet Union? (III) The Economic Aspect," in Gati, The International Politics of Eastern Europe. Poland, of course, is a notable exception, but one whose political instability cannot be blamed on inadequate economic assistance from the West, considering that Poland's debt to Western creditors totaled over $26 billion by the end of 1982.

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