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By Leon Degrelle

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Charles de Gaulle, who, with his hawk’s eye, had no equal in looking CHAPTER 4. ” In 1912, however, Poincaré was unwilling to commit himself to the Balkan adventures of the Russian Pan-Slavists. He couldn’t mistake Belgrade or Sarajevo for Strasbourg. That suited the Russians and they went to considerable effort to conceal their intrigues from their French allies. In March 1912, unbeknownst to the French, Russia’s ambassador and virtual plenipotentiary in Belgrade, Nicholas de Hartwig, had drafted the secret clauses of the treaty between Serbia and Bulgaria which stipulated the number of Bulgarian troops that were to be placed at Serbia’s disposal in the event of a war with Austria-Hungary.

POINCARÉ AND CAILLAUX 36 hardly cleanses Poincaré, however. Klotz, who even demanded on occasion that the Russians make payments in advance, "because of the generally difficult situation of the French cabinet," would end his career scandalously after the war in a criminal court. Despite the public’s growing sympathy for Serbia and Russia, the French masses still had no stomach for war. Poincaré’s policy was deemed too militaristic, particularly when the French president wished to extend the term of military service from two to three years in 1914.

These words have been documented from several sources, most notably the records of secret Russian diplomacy which the Soviets, in the first flush of their revolutionary ardor, were so indelicate as to publish in Pravda in the winter of 1917-1918. Despite his denials, Poincaré in fact maintained contact with both Paris and St. Petersburg on his return voyage. " French historian Fabre Luce, in his outstanding L’Histoire démaquillée, summed up the facts of Poincaré’s return trip: The travelers [Poincaré and Viviani] knew that the Russian government did not envisage a Serbian acceptance [of Austria’s demands], which in any case depended on Russia, and had decided to mobilize against Austria in the event of an Austro-Serbian break in relations.

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