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What they expressed in common was a reluctance on the part of hunters simply to kill and eat. Although my taboo as such was not universal, in other words, its logic - its underlying 'structure', to use LeviStrauss' term - apparently was. The rule as such was still visible, even in the stratagems through which it was evaded or negated. I reasoned that if economic conditions had changed from those of culture's 'initial situation', then there may have occurred a collapse or weakening of the earlier chains of reciprocity necessary if the old exchange rules were to work.

In general, since the men were not taking many data on females, they were not in a position to see the new possibilities first. In general, the women had the higher motivation to rethink what it meant to be female. During interviews with Haraway, several of the women reported to her that it was the atmosphere of feminism in their own societies which had made it seem personally and culturally legitimate to focus scientifically on females for the first time: Men also reported the same sense of legitimation for taking females more seriously, coming from the emerging scientific explanatory framework, from the data and arguments of women scientific peers, from the prominence of feminist ideas in their culture, and from their experience of friendships with women influenced by feminism.

In other words, satisfied though I was by my myth as pure myth, almost entirely independent of any modern data, I did retain a sufficient sense of perspective to realise my story's private status and total incommunicability to others in the absence of sufficient actual knowledge. I began with the matrilineal clan. If my theory were right, then matriclans in the ethnographic record would be predicted to operate in a certain way, exogamy rules and food-sharing rules interlocking according to an underlying structural pattern specified in my myth.

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