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By Chris Fowler

The Archaeology of Personhood discusses what it potential to be human and, through drawing on examples from eu prehistory, discusses the consequences that modern understandings of personhood have on archaeological interpretation.

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As Chapman (2000:6) acknowledges, fragmented things have a finite range of movement since they cannot be halved indefinitely. Kula objects are more likely to grow in size and repute as they encapsulate more and more relations. This leads to the question of the value of a fragment in Chapman’s scheme: was it also a whole object which could circulate as a thing with its own value? Chapman’s analogies are initially with halved objects which are ‘tokens’ of relationships, like medieval indentured charters two halves of which were to be brought together in commemoration of an original agreement over property (Chapman 2000:6, 37–8, 86).

This illustrates the Sabarl person as a dividual, and importance of axes both as people and as parts of people. In Sabarl society each axe is a gift, and it is like a person; it is an animate object, equivalent to a human person in the community. Mauss (1990) cites the example of the Polynesian concept of the hau of a thing or creature to explain the animacy of non-human beings. The hau is the spirit of an object, which is in a way a kind of detached spirit of the place where the thing originated.

G. Gell 1999; Wagner PERSONHOOD AND IDENTITY 29 1991:167). It is not just a clan that can be a fractal person—any collective entity like a family or house may be. And in societies with a fractal notion of the person, any single person is a fractal person too. 2). Fractal Hindu personhood Fractals are also a feature of Hindu personhood (Wagner 1991:172). There is no distinction between the different scales of body involved in social relations, so that each person contains the same substances as their caste, drawn from the cosmos.

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