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By Yitzhak Shichor

In the turning out to be literature on China's foreign behaviour, China's center jap coverage has been a little ignored and misinterpreted. it's been assumed that the center East performed a slightly marginal function in chinese language strategic calculations; but every now and then the chinese language were portrayed as a disruptive and subversive strength during this region. This quantity makes an attempt to right either perspectives by means of delivering a entire research of China's center japanese coverage. It argues that the chinese language have been certainly not able or unwilling to get involved within the center East, not to mention to threaten it. despite the fact that, of their view, this zone has continually been strategically very important as a key battleground for the fight among the superpowers, the result of that could have critical implications for the safety of China in addition to for the remainder of the realm.

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Additional info for The Middle East in China's Foreign Policy, 1949-1977 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)

Example text

For the first time, Arab visitors came to China at the invitation of various semi-official Chinese organisations. Whereas the visit of an Israeli delegation was deliberately played down, the Arab one received much publicity. 8 A further step in this direction was taken by the Chinese at the (leftist) Conference of Asian Countries which opened in New Delhi on 6 April 1955. Although less important than the forthcoming Bandung Conference, the Delhi Conference was nonetheless used by China (whose delegation numbered forty and included such prominent Muslims as Saifudin) to introduce its new Middle East policy.

Perhaps the Chinese (and the Soviets) wanted to clarify their international position, bearing in mind both the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CCP, held at the beginning of June, and the forthcoming war in Korea. It is also possible that China's sudden interest was stimulated by Israel's activities in the United Nations in June. 54 Despite China's marked interest in establishing normal relations, however, Israel's response was practically negative. Already at the end of January 1950 Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs informed its legation in Moscow that there was no intention of opening a mission in Peking and, due to financial difficulties, proposed to use Israel's legation in Moscow for diplomatic communication with China.

This definitely did not mean that the Chinese had abandoned the struggle against imperialism. On the contrary, all along they insisted that Western aggression and intervention in Asia, Africa and Latin America should be countered not by peaceful negotiation but by firm resistance and struggle. Therefore, China sought not only diplomatic recognition and normal bilateral relations but also tried to organise these countries, on the basis of their common opposition to imperialism, into a united front against outside intervention.

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