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By Simon Clarke, Peter Fairbrother, Vadim Borisov

Perestroika's destiny was resolute by way of the adverse response of the operating type. moves, protest and the terror of operating category motion had a devastating impression, but really little is understood in regards to the workers' circulate in this interval. This publication surveys the advance of the hot workers' stream in Russia lower than perestroika to appreciate the way it hooked up with the employees at store ground point and the nationwide and native political specialists to whom it addressed its calls for, and whose improvement it sought to persuade. Drawing on a programme of collaborative learn on Russian business family from 1987 to 1992, the authors use a chain of case reviews to provide an explanation for the gulf among the hundreds of thousands of tiny self sustaining teams, frequently dependent in one firm or perhaps a unmarried store and local and nationwide firms with out a grassroots base. wide interviews with contributors, tape and video recordings in addition to great documentary fabric are utilized in case experiences of the 1989 miners' strike in Kuzbass, the Kuzbass nearby Council of Workers' committees, the autonomous Miner's Union in Kuzbass, Sotsprof in Moscow and the Federation of Air site visitors Controllers' Unions.

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Additional resources for The Workers' Movement in Russia (Studies of Communism in Transition)

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On 18 July there was a meeting of the Mezhdurechensk Party economic activs which set up a working group to consider the issue of the transfer of the coal mines to self-financing and creation of an association in the town. Order and control, the bedrock of Soviet Communism, had apparently been restored. However, things did not stop there. Mezhdurechensk provided the spark, the inspiration and the precedent for other workers in the Kuzbass coalfield, and soon for miners throughout the Soviet Union.

Once the demands moved beyond the level of the individual mine the issues became much more complex, their resolution demanding some knowledge of the way in which the system worked, and in particular of ‘economics’. The strike committee therefore had to rely increasingly on the advice of ‘experts’ within and beyond its ranks. Kovalev, who had formulated the original demands in Shevyakova, himself had higher education, but did not join the city strike committee. Kokorin, who emerged as president of the committee, was an active member of the Communist Party.

Moscow promised to meet the miners’ demands, including the immediate provision of supplies of food and medical equipment. Moscow’s willingness to concede was no doubt The 1989 Miners’ Strike in Kuzbass 37 influenced by reports that were already coming in through the night that mines in Osinniki and Novokuznetsk were also preparing to strike, reports which were confirmed during 12 July as the strike did indeed spread to individual mines in Osinniki, Novokuznetsk and Prokop’evsk. Moscow’s urgent priority was to do a deal with Mezhdurechensk, where the entire town was at a standstill, before the strike escalated in the neighbouring towns.

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