Jimenez, Gustavo Fernando (16 December 2019). "Andrónico recibe apoyo de juventudes del MAS de Cochabamba como candidato a la presidencia"[Andrónico Receives Support from MAS Youth in Cochabamba to Be Presidential Candidate]. El Deber (in Spanish). La Paz. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Along the road north Morales was serenaded by brass bands and mobbed by devotees shouting words of support or clutching the multicoloured indigenous Wiphala flag that Morales made one of Bolivia’s national standards. Chuquimia, Marco Antonio (16 January 2020). "Pacto de Unidad se decide por Choquehuanca y Rodríguez como los candidatos del MAS"[Pact of Unity Decides on Choquehuanca and Rodríguez As the MAS's Candidates]. El Deber (in Spanish). Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.

Al 100% de los votos escrutados el MAS vence en Cochabamba con 65.90% y CC 31.68%"[At 100% of the Votes Counted, the MAS Wins in Cochabamba with 65.90% and CC 31.68%]. Opinión (in Spanish). Cochabamba. 22 October 2020. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. a b Aré Vásquez, Tuffí (2 June 2019). "¿Quién es el cocalero de 29 años que prepara Evo Morales para su sucesión?"[Who Is the 29-Year-Old Cocalero Evo Morales Is Preparing for His Succession?]. Infobae (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. The biometric registry increased forced eradication and social unrest in La Paz. In fact, the Yungas experienced the highest number of reported resistance events related to coca eradication between 2006 and 2016 (see Figure 4). Supported by ADEPCOCA, most eradication occurred outside the traditional ‘coca belt’. Footnote 119 Some of the most intense eradication took place in the municipality of La Asunta, a non-traditional coca community impacted by eradication and related social unrest as early as 2008. One MAS deputy in Congress, echoing a bygone era, proclaimed that La Asunta growers were ‘obligated by international treaty’ to eradicate. Footnote 120 In response, La Asunta growers initiated a march to La Paz in April of 2008 and threatened other forms of resistance. They argued that their coca supplied the legal market (in contrast to Chapare) and criticised the Morales government for favouring Chapare farmers who have the same legal status under Law 1008 as non-traditional cocaleros of the Yungas. Footnote 121 Chuquimia, Leny (16 January 2022). "De Quintana a del Castillo: 26 hombres y mujeres fuertes de Evo, Lucho y David"[From Quintana to del Castillo: 26 Confidants of Evo, Lucho, and David]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. Archived from the original on 16 January 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Cocalero Clásico, the premium South American-inspired botanical spirit that has taken Asia by storm, is now available in select U.S. markets. Since its international release in 2013, Cocalero has experienced unprecedented growth abroad, selling hundreds of thousands of cases and becoming the most successful launch of an imported liqueur in Japan in the last 20 years. Following the activation of a test campaign last summer in Atlanta, GA, Cocalero’s parent company, Intrepid Spirits, has begun rolling distribution to various markets with the aim to be nationwide by the end of 2019.

The green color and the name of course imply that you’re drinking liquid cocaine, but in reality this is a complicated liqueur. The nose is heady and complex, with mint, anise, marjoram, and a spray of less identifiable herbs. With an edge of honey, it comes across a bit like a Ricola cough drop. The palate continues the Ricola theme, though a bolder licorice character emerges soon enough. Quite sweet but not overblown, the mix of green herbs leads to a finish of mint, subdued anise, and less obvious herbal elements — all of which is surprisingly enjoyable in its own, unexpected way. That said, there’s lots of lingering sugar on the finish, which is hard to shake. Aún sin Evo Morales, su partido lidera los sondeos para las elecciones presidenciales en Bolivia"[Even Without Evo Morales, His Party Leads the Polls for the Presidential Elections in Bolivia]. Clarín (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. 22 December 2019. Archived from the original on 9 August 2021 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. The second area of interest, Apolo, is a much smaller area of traditional coca cultivation found in northern La Paz, far enough away from the Yungas to constitute a separate region, but close enough to coordinate with Yungas cocalero organisations to shape CYCN outcomes. In 2004, the United Nations recorded a mere 289 hectares of visible, traditional coca in Apolo, concentrated in the southern province of Bautista Saavedra where coca cultivation pre-dates the 1953 Agrarian Reform. Footnote 41 In this area, ADEPCOCA works with five centrales comprising local agrarian unions. While historically small, the number of coca farmers in Apolo expanded rapidly during Morales’ presidency from 2,500 in 2008 to more than 7,000 by 2015, causing increased cultivation outside the traditional zone. Footnote 42 In the 1980s, the Bolivian Mining Corporation closed many mines, which forced many former miners into coca production. Not only did coca farming provide a living for the ex-miners, but the turn from wage labor to farming allowed for more political organization. Many of the organizations formed during this time period such as the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia later joined forces with the Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia and the Confederación Sindical de Colonizadores de Bolivia to form the beginnings of the Movimiento al Socialismo, the Party of Evo Morales. Among major mobilizations since its inception, the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia has played a part in marches for land reform, indigenous autonomy, and for a plurinational state. [6] Cocaleros and the MAS Party [ edit ] Evo Morales

Of Quechua descent, [1] Andrónico Rodríguez was born on 11 November 1988 in Sacaba, Cochabamba, the second-youngest of four children born to Carlos Rodríguez and Sinforosa Ledezma. From first to third grade, Rodríguez attended the Don Bosco de Melga School in Sacaba, later emigrating with his family to Entre Ríos in the coca-growing tropics of Cochabamba. He completed secondary education in the city, graduating from the José Carrasco School in 2006 and fulfilling mandatory military service in the "Colonel Ladislao Cabrera" 33rd Infantry Regiment. Rodríguez's upbringing was heavily influenced by the political activities of his parents; his father was a prominent peasant leader among the cocalero growers, while his mother worked as a minute secretary for the Manco Cápac Union at a time when it was uncommon for women to participate in organized labor. [2] Rodríguez's meteoric rise through trade union hierarchy represented a push toward renewal of leadership among the Chapare coca growers. [3] The first thing you can’t help but notice is the otherworldly color of Cocalero. Where St-Germain is a very pale yellow, and the Cloosterbitter is the dull green of faded grass clippings, Cocalero is frighteningly bright. Its neon, lime-green coloration seems to say “I am artificially conceived,” and I’d be lying if I said it didn’t worry me some. However, I ended up being pleasantly surprised in spite of myself.Andrónico revela que tras 2019 muchos le dijeron 'tenemos que levantar las armas' "[Andrónico Reveals That After 2019 Many Told Him That "We Have to Raise Arms"]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. 9 April 2023. Archived from the original on 10 April 2023 . Retrieved 10 April 2023.